Love Sophia


Class Schedule - RC (Retake Class)


Class Schedule





Unit 1

Traffic Stop


Unit 2

What is Race


Unit 3

Kofi Annan



Anderson Cooper 360: Hate Brewing



Anderson Cooper 360: Hate Brewing



First Examination













Final Exam


english learn に対する画像結果


Class Schedule - IS (Critical Reading & Discussion)


Critical Reading & Discussion
















8 - First Examination














15 - Final Examination






Barack Obama - 2008 Presidential Election - John McCain ① Kenner Speech

john  mccain kenner に対する画像結果 


ジョン・マケイン - Wikipedia


共和党の重鎮議員だが、党派にとらわれない議会活動で知られ、しばしば maverick一匹狼)と形容される。共和党政権への厳しい批判も辞さないことから、一部の共和党支持者からの反発を浴びる一方、全体としての支持は根強い。そのため2004年の大統領選挙では、民主党候補ジョン・ケリーの副大統領候補となる可能性が盛んに報じられていた。宗教バプティストで、尊敬する政治家は同国のセオドア・ルーズベルト大統領である。






John McCain speech in Kenner, Louisiana

June 3, 2008

Good evening from the great city of New Orleans.


Tonight, we can say with confidence the primary season is over, and the general election campaign has begun. I commend both Senators Obama and Clinton for the long, hard race they have run. Senator Obama has impressed many Americans with his eloquence and his spirited campaign. Senator Clinton has earned great respect for her tenacity and courage. The media often overlooked how compassionately she spoke to the concerns and dreams of millions of Americans, and she deserves a lot more appreciation than she sometimes received. As the father of three daughters, I owe her a debt for inspiring millions of women to believe there is no opportunity in this great country beyond their reach. I am proud to call her my friend. Pundits and party elders have declared that Senator Obama will be my opponent. He will be a formidable one. But I'm ready for the challenge, and determined to run this race in a way that does credit to our campaign and to the proud, decent and patriotic people I ask to lead.


The decision facing Americans in this election couldn't be more important to the future security and prosperity of American families. This is, indeed, a change election. No matter who wins this election, the direction of this country is going to change dramatically. But, the choice is between the right change and the wrong change; between going forward and going backward.


America has seen tough times before. We've always known how to get through them. And we've always believed our best days are ahead of us. I believe that still. But we must rise to the occasion, as we always have; change what must be changed; and make the future better than the past.


The right change recognizes that many of the policies and institutions of our government have failed. They have failed to keep up with the challenges of our time because many of these policies were designed for the problems and opportunities of the mid to late 20th Century, before the end of the Cold War; before the revolution in information technology and rise of the global economy. The right kind of change will initiate widespread and innovative reforms in almost every area of government policy — health care, energy, the environment, the tax code, our public schools, our transportation system, disaster relief, government spending and regulation, diplomacy, the military and intelligence services. Serious and far-reaching reforms are needed in so many areas of government to meet our own challenges in our own time.


The irony is that Americans have been experiencing a lot of change in their lives attributable to these historic events, and some of those changes have distressed many American families — job loss, failing schools, prohibitively expensive health care, pensions at risk, entitlement programs approaching bankruptcy, rising gas and food prices, to name a few. But your government often acts as if it is completely unaware of the changes and hardships in your lives. And when government does take notice, often it only makes matters worse. For too long, we have let history outrun our government's ability to keep up with it. The right change will stop impeding Americans from doing what they have always done: overcome every obstacle to our progress, turn challenges into opportunities, and by our own industry, imagination and courage make a better country and a safer world than we inherited.


To keep our nation prosperous, strong and growing we have to rethink, reform and reinvent: the way we educate our children; train our workers; deliver health care services; support retirees; fuel our transportation network; stimulate research and development; and harness new technologies.


To keep us safe we must rebuild the structure and mission of our military; the capabilities of our intelligence and law enforcement agencies; the reach and scope of our diplomacy; the capacity of all branches of government to defend us. We need to strengthen our alliances, and preserve our moral credibility.


We must also prepare, far better than we have, to respond quickly and effectively to a natural calamity. When Americans confront a catastrophe they have a right to expect basic competence from their government. Firemen and policemen should be able to communicate with each other in an emergency. We should be able to deliver bottled water to dehydrated babies and rescue the infirm from a hospital with no electricity. Our disgraceful failure to do so here in New Orleans exposed the incompetence of government at all levels to meet even its most basic responsibilities.


The wrong change looks not to the future but to the past for solutions that have failed us before and will surely fail us again. I have a few years on my opponent, so I am surprised that a young man has bought in to so many failed ideas. Like others before him, he seems to think government is the answer to every problem; that government should take our resources and make our decisions for us. That type of change doesn't trust Americans to know what is right or what is in their own best interests. It's the attitude of politicians who are sure of themselves but have little faith in the wisdom, decency and common sense of free people. That attitude created the unresponsive bureaucracies of big government in the first place. And that's not change we can believe in.


You will hear from my opponent's campaign in every speech, every interview, every press release that I'm running for President Bush's third term. You will hear every policy of the President described as the Bush-McCain policy. Why does Senator Obama believe it's so important to repeat that idea over and over again? Because he knows it's very difficult to get Americans to believe something they know is false. So he tries to drum it into your minds by constantly repeating it rather than debate honestly the very different directions he and I would take the country. But the American people didn't get to know me yesterday, as they are just getting to know Senator Obama. They know I have a long record of bipartisan problem solving. They've seen me put our country before any President — before any party — before any special interest -- before my own interest. They might think me an imperfect servant of our country, which I surely am. But I am her servant first, last and always.


I have worked with the President to keep our nation safe. But he and I have not seen eye to eye on many issues. We've disagreed over the conduct of the war in Iraq and the treatment of detainees; over out of control government spending and budget gimmicks; over energy policy and climate change; over defense spending that favored defense contractors over the public good.


I disagreed strongly with the Bush administration's mismanagement of the war in Iraq. I called for the change in strategy that is now, at last, succeeding where the previous strategy had failed miserably. I was criticized for doing so by Republicans. I was criticized by Democrats. I was criticized by the press. But I don't answer to them. I answer to you. And I would be ashamed to admit I knew what had to be done in Iraq to spare us from a defeat that would endanger us for years, but I kept quiet because it was too politically hard for me to do. No ambition is more important to me than the security of the country I have defended all my adult life.


Senator Obama opposed the new strategy, and, after promising not to, voted to deny funds to the soldiers who have done a brilliant and brave job of carrying it out. Yet in the last year we have seen the success of that plan as violence has fallen to a four year low; Sunni insurgents have joined us in the fight against al Qaeda; the Iraqi Army has taken the lead in places once lost to Sunni and Shia extremists; and the Iraqi Government has begun to make progress toward political reconciliation.


None of this progress would have happened had we not changed course over a year ago. And all of this progress would be lost if Senator Obama had his way and began to withdraw our forces from Iraq without concern for conditions on the ground and the advice of commanders in the field. Americans ought to be concerned about the judgment of a presidential candidate who says he's ready to talk, in person and without conditions, with tyrants from Havana to Pyongyang, but hasn't traveled to Iraq to meet with General Petraeus, and see for himself the progress he threatens to reverse.


I know Americans are tired of this war. I don't oppose a reckless withdrawal from Iraq because I'm indifferent to the suffering war inflicts on too many American families. I hate war. And I know very personally how terrible its costs are. But I know, too, that the course Senator Obama advocates could draw us into a wider war with even greater sacrifices; put peace further out of reach, and Americans back in harm's way.


I take America's economic security as seriously as I do her physical security. For eight years the federal government has been on a spending spree that added trillions to the national debt. It spends more and more of your money on programs that have failed again and again to keep up with the changes confronting American families. Extravagant spending on things that are not the business of government indebts us to other nations; fuels inflation; raises interest rates; and encourages irresponsibility. I have opposed wasteful spending by both parties and the Bush administration. Senator Obama has supported it and proposed more of his own. I want to freeze discretionary spending until we have completed top to bottom reviews of all federal programs to weed out failing ones. Senator Obama opposes that reform. I opposed subsidies that favor big business over small farmers and tariffs on imported products that have greatly increased the cost of food. Senator Obama supports these billions of dollars in corporate subsidies and the tariffs that have led to rising grocery bills for American families. That's not change we can believe in.


No problem is more urgent today than America's dependence on foreign oil. It threatens our security, our economy and our environment. The next President must be willing to break completely with the energy policies not just of the Bush Administration, but the administrations that preceded his, and lead a great national campaign to put us on a course to energy independence. We must unleash the creativity and genius of Americans, and encourage industries to pursue alternative, non-polluting and renewable energy sources, where demand will never exceed supply.


Senator Obama voted for the same policies that created the problem. In fact, he voted for the energy bill promoted by President Bush and Vice President Cheney, which gave even more breaks to the oil industry. I opposed it because I know we won't achieve energy independence by repeating the mistakes of the last half century. That's not change we can believe in.


With forward thinking Democrats and Republicans, I proposed a climate change policy that would greatly reduce our dependence on oil. Our approach was opposed by President Bush, and by leading Democrats, and it was defeated by opposition from special interests that favor Republicans and those that favor Democrats. Senator Obama might criticize special interests that give more money to Republicans. But you won't often see him take on those that favor him. If America is going to achieve energy independence, we need a President with a record of putting the nation's interests before the special interests of either party. I have that record. Senator Obama does not.


Senator Obama proposes to keep spending money on programs that make our problems worse and create new ones that are modeled on big government programs that created much of the fiscal mess we are in. He plans to pay for these increases by raising taxes on seniors, parents, small business owners and every American with even a modest investment in the market. He doesn't trust us to make decisions for ourselves and wants the government to make them for us. And that's not change we can believe in.


Senator Obama thinks we can improve health care by driving Americans into a new system of government orders, regulations and mandates. I believe we can make health care more available, affordable and responsive to patients by breaking from inflationary practices, insurance regulations, and tax policies that were designed generations ago, and by giving families more choices over their care. His plan represents the old ways of government. Mine trusts in the common sense of the American people.


Senator Obama pretends we can address the loss of manufacturing jobs by repealing trade agreements and refusing to sign new ones; that we can build a stronger economy by limiting access to our markets and giving up access to foreign markets. The global economy exists and is not going away. We either compete in it or we lose more jobs, more businesses, more dreams. We lose the future. He's an intelligent man, and he must know how foolish it is to think Americans can remain prosperous without opening new markets to our goods and services. But he feels he must defer to the special interests that support him. That's not change we can believe in.


Lowering trade barriers to American goods and services creates more and better jobs; keeps inflation under control; keeps interest rates low; and makes more goods affordable to more Americans. We won't compete successfully by using old technology to produce old goods. We'll succeed by knowing what to produce and inventing new technologies to produce it.


We are not people who believe only in the survival of the fittest. Work in America is more than a paycheck; it a source of pride, self-reliance and identity. But making empty promises to bring back lost jobs gives nothing to the unemployed worker except false hope. That's not change we can believe in. Reforming from top to bottom unemployment insurance and retraining programs that were designed for the 1950s, making use of our community colleges to train people for new opportunities will help workers who've lost a job that won't come back, find a job that won't go away.


My friends, we're not a country that would rather go back than forward. We're the world's leader, and leaders don't hide from history. They make history. But if we're going to lead, we have to reform a government that has lost its ability to help us do so. The solution to our problems isn't to reach back to the 1960s and 70s for answers. In just a few years in office, Senator Obama has accumulated the most liberal voting record in the Senate. But the old, tired, big government policies he seeks to dust off and call new won't work in a world that has changed dramatically since they were last tried and failed. That's not change we can believe in.


The sweeping reforms of government we need won't occur unless we change the political habits of Washington that have locked us in an endless cycle of bickering and stalemate. Washington is consumed by a hyper-partisanship that treats every serious issue as an opportunity to trade insults; impugn each others motives; and fight about the next election. This is the game Washington plays. Both parties play it, as do the special interests that support each side. The American people know it's not on the level. For all the problems we face, what frustrates them most about Washington is they don't think we're capable of serving the public interest before our personal ambitions; that we fight for ourselves and not for them. They are sick of the politics of selfishness, stalemate and delay, and they have every right to be. We have to change not only government policies that have failed them, but the political culture that produced them.


Both Senator Obama and I promise we will end Washington's stagnant, unproductive partisanship. But one of us has a record of working to do that and one of us doesn't. Americans have seen me put aside partisan and personal interests to move this country forward. They haven't seen Senator Obama do the same. For all his fine words and all his promise, he has never taken the hard but right course of risking his own interests for yours; of standing against the partisan rancor on his side to stand up for our country. He is an impressive man, who makes a great first impression. But he hasn't been willing to make the tough calls; to challenge his party; to risk criticism from his supporters to bring real change to Washington. I have.


When members of my party refused to compromise not on principle but for partisanship, I have sought to do so. When I fought corruption it didn't matter to me if the culprits were Democrats or Republicans. I exposed it and let the chips fall where they may. When I worked on campaign finance and ethics reform, I did so with Democrats and Republicans, even though we were criticized by other members of our parties, who preferred to keep things as they were. I have never refused to work with Democrats simply for the sake of partisanship. I've always known we belong to different parties, not different countries. We are Americans before we are anything else.


I don't seek the presidency on the presumption I'm blessed with such personal greatness that history has anointed me to save my country in its hour of need. I seek the office with the humility of a man who cannot forget my country saved me. I'll reach out my hand to anyone, Republican or Democrat, who will help me change what needs to be changed; fix what needs to be fixed; and give this country a government as capable and good as the people it is supposed to serve. There is a time to campaign, and a time to govern. If I'm elected President, the era of the permanent campaign of the last sixteen years will end. The era of reform and problem solving will begin. From my first day in office, I'll work with anyone to make America safe, prosperous and proud. And I won't care who gets the credit as long as America gets the benefit.


I have seen Republicans and Democrats achieve great things together. When the stakes were high and it mattered most, I've seen them work together in common purpose, as we did in the weeks after September 11th. This kind of cooperation has made all the difference at crucial turns in our history. It has given us hope in difficult times. It has moved America forward. And that, my friends, is the kind of change we need right now.


Thank you.

Barack Obama - 2008 Democratic National Convention Speech

barack obama 2008 dnc acceptance speech denver に対する画像結果


Senator Barack Obama's acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention in Denver


バラク・オバマ - Wikipedia






オバマ共和党大統領候補として対決するジョン・マケインを、「ブッシュ大統領を90%支持してきた。残り10%に期待するわけにはいかない」と批判した。またオバマは、1963年のちょうどこの日にマーティン・ルーサー・キング・ジュニアが、ワシントン大行進においてアメリカにおける人種差別撤廃への夢について語った演説「I Have a Dream」を踏まえ、「われわれの夢は1つになることができる」と述べた。





Barack Obama’s Acceptance Speech

The New York Times, AUG. 28, 2008 

The following is the transcript of Senator Barack Obama's acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention in Denver, as recorded by CQ Transcriptions.



OBAMA: Thank you so much.


Thank you very much.


Thank you, everybody.

To -- to Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin, and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation, with profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for presidency of the United States.


Let me -- let me express -- let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest, a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours, Hillary Rodham Clinton.


To President Clinton, to President Bill Clinton, who made last night the case for change as only he can make it...

... to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service...


... and to the next vice president of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you.


I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.

To the love of my life, our next first lady, Michelle Obama...


... and to Malia and Sasha, I love you so much, and I am so proud of you.


Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story, of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren't well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.

It is that promise that's always set this country apart, that through hard work and sacrifice each of us can pursue our individual dreams, but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams, as well. That's why I stand here tonight. Because for 232 years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women -- students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors -- found the courage to keep it alive.

We meet at one of those defining moments, a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil, and the American promise has been threatened once more.

Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive, credit cards, bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.

These challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.

America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.


This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.

We're a better country than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment that he's worked on for 20 years and watch as it's shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.

We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty...


... that sits...


... that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.


Tonight, tonight, I say to the people of America, to Democrats and Republicans and independents across this great land: Enough. This moment...


This moment, this moment, this election is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive.

Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third.

And we are here -- we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look just like the last eight.


On November 4th, on November 4th, we must stand up and say: Eight is enough.


Now, now, let me -- let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and our respect.


And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.

But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush 90 percent of the time.

Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but, really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than 90 percent of the time?


I don't know about you, but I am not ready to take a 10 percent chance on change.


The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives -- on health care, and education, and the economy -- Senator McCain has been anything but independent.

He said that our economy has made great progress under this president. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong.

And when one of his chief advisers, the man who wrote his economic plan, was talking about the anxieties that Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a mental recession and that we've become, and I quote, "a nation of whiners."

Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third, or fourth, or fifth tour of duty.

These are not whiners. They work hard, and they give back, and they keep going without complaint. These are the Americans I know.


Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans; I just think he doesn't know.


Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under $5 million a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies, but not one penny of tax relief to more than 100 million Americans?

OBAMA: How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?


It's not because John McCain doesn't care; it's because John McCain doesn't get it.


For over two decades -- for over two decades, he's subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy: Give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else.


Well, it's time for them to own their failure. It's time for us to change America. And that's why I'm running for president of the United States.


You see, you see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.

We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage, whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma.

We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was president...


... when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of go down $2,000, like it has under George Bush. (APPLAUSE)

We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off and look after a sick kid without losing her job, an economy that honors the dignity of work.

The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great, a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.

In the face of that young student, who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree, who once turned to food stamps, but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.


When I -- when I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.

And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business or making her way in the world, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman.

She's the one who taught me about hard work. She's the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she's watching tonight and that tonight is her night, as well.


Now, I don't know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine.


These are my heroes; theirs are the stories that shaped my life. And it is on behalf of them that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as president of the United States.


What -- what is that American promise? It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have obligations to treat each other with dignity and respect.

Ours -- ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves: protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools, and new roads, and science, and technology.

Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.

That's the promise of America, the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation, the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeper.

That's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now.


So -- so let me -- let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.


Change means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.


You know, unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to companies that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.


I'll eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.

I will -- listen now -- I will cut taxes -- cut taxes -- for 95 percent of all working families, because, in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle class.


And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as president: In 10 years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.


We will do this. Washington -- Washington has been talking about our oil addiction for the last 30 years. And, by the way, John McCain has been there for 26 of them.


And in that time, he has said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil than we had on the day that Senator McCain took office.

Now is the time to end this addiction and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution, not even close.


As president, as president, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America.

I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars.

OBAMA: And I'll invest $150 billion over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy -- wind power, and solar power (OTCBB:SOPW) , and the next generation of biofuels -- an investment that will lead to new industries and 5 million new jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced.


America, now is not the time for small plans. Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy.

You know, Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don't have that chance.

I'll invest in early childhood education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries, and give them more support. And in exchange, I'll ask for higher standards and more accountability.

And we will keep our promise to every young American: If you commit to serving your community or our country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.


Now -- now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American.


If you have health care -- if you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves.


And -- and as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.


Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their job and caring for a sick child or an ailing parent.

Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses, and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.

And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have the exact same opportunities as your sons.

Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime: by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don't help America grow.

But I will also go through the federal budget line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less, because we cannot meet 21st-century challenges with a 20th-century bureaucracy.


And, Democrats, Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America's promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our intellectual and moral strength.

Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient.


Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can't replace parents, that government can't turn off the television and make a child do her homework, that fathers must take more responsibility to provide love and guidance to their children.

Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility, that's the essence of America's promise. And just as we keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America's promise abroad.

If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament and judgment to serve as the next commander-in-chief, that's a debate I'm ready to have.


For -- for while -- while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats that we face.

You know, John McCain likes to say that he'll follow bin Laden to the gates of Hell, but he won't even follow him to the cave where he lives.


And today, today, as my call for a timeframe to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush administration, even after we learned that Iraq has $79 billion in surplus while we are wallowing in deficit, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.

That's not the judgment we need; that won't keep America safe. We need a president who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.


You don't defeat -- you don't defeat a terrorist network that operates in 80 countries by occupying Iraq. You don't protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can't truly stand up for Georgia when you've strained our oldest alliances.

If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice, but that is not the change that America needs.


We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don't tell me that Democrats won't defend this country. Don't tell me that Democrats won't keep us safe.

The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans, Democrats and Republicans, have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.

As commander-in-chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.


I will end this war in Iraq responsibly and finish the fight against Al Qaida and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts, but I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression.

I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation, poverty and genocide, climate change and disease.

And I will restore our moral standing so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.


These -- these are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.

But what I will not do is suggest that the senator takes his positions for political purposes, because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other's character and each other's patriotism.


The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain.

The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and independents, but they have fought together, and bled together, and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a red America or a blue America; they have served the United States of America.

So I've got news for you, John McCain: We all put our country first.


America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices. And Democrats, as well as Republicans, will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past, for part of what has been lost these past eight years can't just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose, and that's what we have to restore.

We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country.


The -- the reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than they are for those plagued by gang violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals.


I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in a hospital and to live lives free of discrimination.


You know, passions may fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers.

But this, too, is part of America's promise, the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.

I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer, and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values.

And that's to be expected, because if you don't have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare voters.

If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from. You make a big election about small things.

And you know what? It's worked before, because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn't work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it's best to stop hoping and settle for what you already know.

I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.

But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the naysayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me; it's about you.


It's about you.


For 18 long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said, "Enough," to the politics of the past. You understand that, in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same, old politics with the same, old players and expect a different result.

You have shown what history teaches us, that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington.


Change happens -- change happens because the American people demand it, because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.

America, this is one of those moments.

I believe that, as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming, because I've seen it, because I've lived it.

I've seen it in Washington, where we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans, and keep nuclear weapons out of the hands of terrorists.

And I've seen it in this campaign, in the young people who voted for the first time and the young at heart, those who got involved again after a very long time; in the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did.


I've seen it -- I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day, even though they can't afford it, than see their friends lose their jobs; in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb; in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.

You know, this country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.

Instead, it is that American spirit, that American promise, that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.

That promise is our greatest inheritance. It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night and a promise that you make to yours, a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west, a promise that led workers to picket lines and women to reach for the ballot.

(APPLAUSE) And it is that promise that, 45 years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln's Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.


The men and women who gathered there could've heard many things. They could've heard words of anger and discord. They could've been told to succumb to the fear and frustrations of so many dreams deferred.

But what the people heard instead -- people of every creed and color, from every walk of life -- is that, in America, our destiny is inextricably linked, that together our dreams can be one.

"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."

America, we cannot turn back...


... not with so much work to be done; not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for; not with an economy to fix, and cities to rebuild, and farms to save; not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend.

America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone.

At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise, that American promise, and in the words of scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.





Class Schedule - IRII (African American Studies)


African American Studies



Class Guidance



P. 27  World News 1

P. 1  Barack Obama Profile ( 1 )

P. 53  Types of Government  

Constitution 憲法




P. 28  World News 2

Epiphany A

P. 2  Barack Obama Profile ( 2 ) 

Barack Obama - Biography

P. 54  Constitution



P. 29  World News 3

Epiphany A

P. 3  Encarta Africana: Kofi Annan



P. 30  Cultural Studies 1 - Exodus

P. 4  Encarta Africana: Maya Angelou



P. 31  World News 4 

Epiphany A

P. 5  Encarta Africana: Whoopi Goldberg



P. 32  World News 5 

Epiphany A

P. 6  Obama's Acceptance Speech ( 1 )




P. 33  World News 6

P. 7  Obama's Acceptance Speech ( 2 )

Barack Obama - 2008 Democratic National Convention Speech




P. 34  Cultural Studies 2 - Spirituals

P. 8  John McCain's Speech ( 1 )



P. 35  World News 7 

World News B

P. 9  John McCain's Speech ( 2 )

John McCain - Kenner Speech




P. 36  World News 8

World News B

P. 10  Martin Luther King Jr. & Robert F. Kennedy


1st Examination (pp. 1-9, pp. 27-35, pp. 53-59)            



P. 37  World News 9 

World News B

P. 11  Thomas Jefferson & Abraham Lincoln



P. 38  Cultural Studies 3 - Good Samaritan

P. 12  John McCain's Concession Speech



P. 39  World News 10 

World News B

P. 13  Obama's Victory Speech ( 1 )




P. 40  World News 11

P. 14  Obama's Victory Speech ( 2 ) 

Obama's Victory Speech



P. 41  World News 12 

World News C

P. 15  Encarta Africana: Gates ( 1 )



P. 42  Cultural Studies 4 - Gospel

P. 16  Encarta Africana: Gates ( 2 )

Henry Louis Gates, Jr.



P. 43  World News 13 

World News C

P. 17  Traffic Stop



P. 44  World News 14

World News C

P. 18  Encarta Africana: Colin Powel ( 1 )



P. 45  World News 15 

World News C

P. 19  Encarta Africana: Colin Powel ( 2 ) 

Colin Powell




2nd Examination (pp. 10-17, pp. 36-44, pp. 60-64)            


P. 46  Cultural Studies 5 - Jazz

P. 20  Encarta Africana: Cornel West ( 1 )



P. 47  World News 16

P. 21  Encarta Africana: Cornel West ( 2 ) 

Cornel West: Quest For Freedom




P. 48  World News 17 

World News D

P. 23  CNN: Hate Brewing ( 1 )


P. 49  World News 18 

World News D 

P. 24  CNN: Hate Brewing ( 2 ) 

Hate Brewing 



P. 50  Cultural Studies 6 - Rap & Hip-Hop

P. 25  BBC: Right to Own Guns




P. 51  World News 19 

World News D 

P. 26  Okinawa




P. 52  World News 20 

World News D 

P. 26  Okinawa


PBS - On Okinawa



3rd Examination     


color purple film に対する画像結果      

Spirituals - 黒人霊歌 - Love Sophia

Class Schedule - LS (Literature)


Introduction of English Literature



Class Guidance


P.1  Mother Goose ( 1 )

p. 28  Old English: Beowulf


Beowulf: Trailer

p. 2  Mother Goose ( 2 ) 

p. 29  Middle English: The Canterbury Tales


p. 3-4  Old Testament ( 1 ) Cain and Abel 

p. 30a  Early Modern English: Exodus

Genesis 4:1-16 - Cain and Abel

Exodus 20:1 - The Ten Commandments

p. 5  Old Testament ( 2 ) Noah and the Flood 

p. 30b  Late Modern English: Chinua Achebe

Genesis 6:9-22 - Noah's Ark

Genesis 9:12-16 - Noah's Ark II

p. 6  Old Testament ( 3 ) Exodus: Crossing the Red Sea 

p. 31a  Late Modern English: Chinua Achebe

Exodus 14:15-31 - Crossing the Red Sea


p. 7  New Testament ( 1 ) The Prodigal Son 

p. 31b  Novel: Prisoner of Azkaban - 1

Luke 15:11-32 - The Prodigal Son


Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban - Trailer


p. 8a  New Testament ( 2 ) Cast the First Stone 

p. 32  Novel: Prisoner of Azkaban - 2

John 8:1-19 - Cast the First Stone


p. 8b  New Testament ( 3 ) The Wandering Sheep 

p. 33  Novel: Prisoner of Azkaban - 3

Matthew 18:1-5 - Be Like Little Children

Matthew 18:10-14 - The Wandering Sheep



p. 9  New Testament ( 3 ) Lilies in the Field 

p. 34  Novel: Prisoner of Azkaban - 4

Luke 12:13-34 - Lilies in the Field



p. 10  New Testament ( 4 ) Revelation 

p. 35  Literary Criticism: Harry Potter 1

Revelation 4:1

Revelation 5:1



p. 11  Greek Mythology: Apollo and Daphne ( 1 ) 

p. 36a  Literary Criticism: Harry Potter 2

Thomas Bulfinch: Apollo and Daphne



p. 12  Greek Mythology: Apollo and Daphne ( 2 ) 

p. 36b  Poetry: Shakespeare's sonnet




First Examination 90 min. (Workshop pp. 1-10 & Literature pp. 7-35a)      



p. 13  Greek Mythology: Trojan War ( 1 ) 

p. 37  Poetry: Langston Hughes

Thomas Bulfinch: Trojan War

Trojan War (2004) Trailer


p. 14  Greek Mythology: Trojan War ( 2 ) 

p. 38  Drama: As You Like It 1



p. 15  Greek Mythology: Orpheus and Eurydice ( 1 ) 

p. 39a  Drama: As You Like It 2

Thomas Bulfinch's Orpheus and Eurydice



p. 16  Greek Mythology: Orpheus and Eurydice ( 2 ) 

p. 39b  Drama: Hamlet - 1



p. 17  Greek Mythology: Perseus and Medusa ( 3 ) 

p, 40a  Drama: Hamlet - 2

Thomas Bulbinch, Perseus and Medusa



p. 18  Oral Literature ( 1 ) Spirituals

p. 40b  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 1

Paul Robeson, Go Down Moses


Shirley Caesar - Steal Away to Jesus


ex. Beyonce - Swing Low Sweet Chariot

ex. Steal Away - The Brooklyn Allstars, "Live In Atlanta"

Their eyes were watching god trailer


p. 19  Oral Literature ( 2 ) Gospel Music 

Walter Hawkins, Is There Any Way?

Walter Hawkins, Marvelous

ex.Donnie McClurkin, We Fall Down

ex.Gospel Music Collection

p. 41a  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 2


Second Examination 90 min. (Workshop pp. 11-18 & Literature pp. 35b-39b)      


p. 20  Oral Literature ( 3 ) Blues

Bessie Smith, Nobody Knows When You're Down And Out

ex.Blues Collection

p. 41b  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 3


p. 21  Oral Literature ( 4 ) Jazz

Billie Holiday, Strange Fruit

ex.Jamie Cullum BBC Concert

ex.Jazz Collection

p. 42b  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 4



p. 22  Oral Literature ( 5 ) Soul Music

Sam Cooke, A Change Is Gonna Come

Marvin Gay, What's Going On

ex.Soul Music Collection

ex.Motown Music Collection

p. 43a  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 5


p. 23  Oral Literature ( 6 ) Rap & Hip-Hop

Arrested Development, Revolution

ex.Lauryn Hill, Ex-Factor 

ex.R&B Collection  

p. 43b  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 6


p. 24  Historical Document ( 2 ) King, Kennedy 

Martin Luther King, Jr., I've Been To The Mountaintop Address

Robert F. Kennedy, On Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.

p. 44a  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 7


p. 25  Historical Document ( 1 ) Jefferson, Lincoln 

Thomas Jefferson, Declaration of Independence

Abraham Lincoln, Gettysburg Address

p. 44b  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 8


p. 26  Speech: Obama's Victory Speech ( 1 ) 


p. 45a  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 9





p. 27  Speech: Obama's Victory Speech ( 2 ) 

p. 45b  Novel: Their Eyes Were Watching God 10


31  Third Examination 90 min. (Workshop pp. 19-27 & Literature pp. 39-45) 



harry potter に対する画像結果

Class Schedule - LH (British History)

LH (History of English Literature)



Class Guidance



London Sight seeing (P. 26)

Introduction: All About the U.K. (P. 1)


Mother Goose (1) (P. 27-28)

Ancient Britain (P.2)


Mother Goose (2) (P. 29)

Old English (P.3)


World Religion (1) Judaism, Christianity (P. 30-a)

Middle English (1) (P.4)


World Religion (2) Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism (P. 30-b) 

Middle English (2) (P.5)

King Arthur - Sound of Britain



Christianity (P. 31-32) 

Renaissance (1) (P.6)

Introduction to Christianity | Belief | Oprah Winfrey Network


Old Testament (1) The Creation (P. 33-34a) 

Genesis 1 & 2

Renaissance (2) (P.7)



Old Testament (2) From Adam to Abraham (P. 34b-35) 

Genesis 5:1-32

Genesis 11:10-32

Renaissance (3) (P.8)

English Renaissance Theatre



First Examination 90 min. (History pp. 1-9 & Workshop pp. 26-32)


Old Testament (3) Adam & Eve (P. 36) 

Genesis 2:4-14

Genesis 3:1-9

Renaissance (4) (P.9)


Old Testament (4) God & Moses (p. 37) 

Exodus 3:1-16

Restoration (1) (P. 10)



Old Testament (5) The Tower of Babel (p. 38a)

Genesis 11:1-9 

Restoration (2) (P. 11a)



New Testament (1) The Lost Sheep (p. 38b) 

Luke 15:1-10

Restoration (3) (p. 11b)


New Testament (2) The Good Samaritan (p. 39) 

Luke 10:25-37

Restoration (4) (P. 12)



New Testament (3) The Beatitude (p. 40) 

Matthew 5:1-20

Restoration (5) (P. 13)



New Testament (4) The Greatest Gift (p. 41) 

1st Corinthians 13:1-13

Romantic Age (1) (P. 14)



Greek Mythology (1) Gods & Goddesses (p. 42) 

Romantic Age (2) (P. 15)

Greek Mythology Family Tree



Greek Mythology (2) Heroes & Monsters (p. 43) 

Romantic Age (3) (P. 16)

The Greeks -- Introduction of the PBS series



Greek Mythology (3) Other Deities (p. 44) 

Romantic Age (4) (P. 17a)

Top 10 Popular Creatures of Greek Mythology



Alice's Adventure (1) (p. 45-46) 

Victorian Era (1) (P. 17b)

Troy (2004) Official Trailer - Brad Pitt, Eric Bana, Orlando Bloom Movie HD


Second Examination 90 min. (History pp. 10-17a & Workshop pp. 32-41)



Alice's Adventure (2) (p. 45-46) 

Victorian Era (2) (P. 18)

Alice in Wonderland (2010) - Trailer


Alice's Adventure (3) (p. 45-46) 

Victorian Era (3) (P. 19)

Alice in Wonderland - Tea Party HD



William Shakespeare (1) Works (p. 47) 

Victorian Era (4) (P. 20)


William Shakespeare - Mini Biography



William Shakespeare (2) Hamlet, Othello (p. 48-a)


Victorian Era (5) (P. 21)


William Shakespeare (3) King Lear, Macbeth (p. 48-b)

20th Century (1) (P. 22)




William Shakespeare (4) 20th Century (2) (P. 23)



Architecture (p. 50) 

20th Century (3) (P. 24-25)

Romanesque and Gothic Architecture



Third Examination 90 min. (History pp. 17b-24 & pp.42-50)